Showing posts with label discipline. Show all posts
Showing posts with label discipline. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 14, 2023

Woes at Concordia U of Edmonton continue

Tim Loreman, CUE President and Mansion Enthusiast
Concordia University of Edmonton (CUE) has been struggling since its strike almost 18 months ago. As I wrote last month, CUE has engaged in behaviours that include layoffs and a large number of disciplinary investigations. Meanwhile, enrollments are tanking, governance procedures are being hollowed out, and programs are being identified as not meeting quality standards.

Two weeks ago, CBC ran a story that the CUE faculty had voted no confidence in President Tim Loreman. This was the second non-confidence vote in Loreman since the strike. The Board of Governors doesn’t seem interested in engaging in any dialog over these concerns.

 

Last week, Loreman responded to the most recent non-confidence vote in missive to staff. He begins by acknowledging dissatisfaction with his performance. 

As many of us are aware, last Friday the CBC published a story about CUEFA’s dissatisfaction with my leadership. This isn’t the first time I’ve been in this situation, but thankfully, I have the ongoing support of the Board of Governors, strong support from many in our community, and a committed personal support system that keeps me grounded. I am not going to allow these tactics to distract me from my efforts to make CUE a great place to work and study. 

There’s a lot to unpack there:

  • He suggests the dissatisfaction with his performance is on the part of the union, subtly ignoring that the union represents its members, the majority of whom voted non-confidence.
  • I can’t tell if “this isn’t the first time I’ve been in this situation” is part of his “the lady is not for turning” routine or just some kind of inadvertent admission. Either way, I can’t see that the admission really gains him anything.
  • The Board does seem to be backing him. But Athabasca University’s most recently sacked president is an instructive example of how fickle Board support it. As soon as Loreman becomes a political liability, that support will evaporate.
  • He's telling the workers that they will need to increase the costs attached to his behaviour in order to get him to change that behaviour.

Then there is this bit:

I would like to see decorum befitting a university community in the way we speak to, and about, each other. … At CUE our responsibilities towards one another can be found in our Code of Conduct and in policy. … It defines how we should interact with one another in order to retain positive, ethical, and healthy relationships. 

One aspect of codes of conduct is that they can be weaponized by the administrator of the code (the boss) to silence legitimate dissent on pain of discipline. It is unclear of Loreman’s statement was meant as a veiled threat, but that is how many CUE faculty are reading it. In the context of between 10 and 15% of faculty being subjected to disciplinary investigations since the strike (which is a wildly huge percentage), the faculty’s inference is pretty understandable.

The message then ends on a positive, “my door is always open” note. In the context of deteriorating staff relations, it is unlikely to convince or interest anyone. 

Meanwhile, back on the ranch, a hearing is scheduled at the Labour Board on June 28th to address an unfair labour practice complaint filed by the union against CUE. Based on the sections of the Code cited in the complaint it looks like a gooder.


Labour Board proceedings are usually characterized by lengthy delay (which is one way the government manages class conflict). But the complaint (coupled with declining enrollments and ongoing staff dissatisfaction) remains a potential landmine for CUE and for Loreman.

 

-- Bob Barnetson

Tuesday, May 2, 2023

Concordia University of Edmonton strike triggers hard-line response

A meme from the 2022 CUE strike.
Strikes and lockouts can have profound effects on workers, managers, organizations, and their relationships. The research suggests a strike or lockout can result in:
  • decreased worker job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and psychological well-being,
  • strained relations with other organizational members (e.g., students),
  • increased class awareness and solidarity among workers, and
  • deteriorating relationships between workers and managers as well as between managers and owners
An interesting Canadian analysis can be found this 2008 article by Chaulk and Brown.

Concordia Faculty Strike

The fallout from Alberta’s first post-secondary strike at Concordia University of Edmonton (CUE) in January of 2022 appears to offer an example of a strike resulting in a heightened level of organizational conflict. The CUE strike centered on wage and workload demands, with the small faculty association (about 80 members) being among the worst paid (68th out of 70) in Canada.

In the year prior to the strike, CUE recorded an operating surplus of 33% and had significant savings. Instead of offering faculty a reasonable wage increase or addressing workload issues, the Board decided to off a 3% increase over five years and buy the nearby century-old Magrath Mansion. The mansion was putatively intended to serve as a campus but was neither zoned nor architecturally suitable for instructional space, so draw your own conclusions there.

CUE also pushed new disciplinary language that would allow it to fire faculty without just cause. CUE then offered to withdraw its disciplinary proposals if faculty handed over their intellectual property rights to the employer. This led to an 11-day strike in January of 2022 that, apparently, was some kind of surprise to CUE’s Board.

In the end, the employer dropped its discipline demands. The faculty association’s wage demands (which amounted to $350,000 or, if you prefer, 0.18 mansions) were mostly met and the strike wrapped up. CUE’s reputation in the community and with students took quite a hit. Subsequently, CUE’s sessional instructors filed to unionize with CUPE, in part because the employer refused to pay them during the strike, even though there were not in the faculty association and were not on strike (they were eventually paid).

Concordia Strike Fall Out

In the 14 months since the strike settled, the CUE faculty association has documented a number of concerning trends, including:
  • Enrollment is down (I’m hearing 10%) and there are "budget shortfalls". Past accrued surpluses have apparently been transferred to a capital fund to build more buildings and buy more land. CUE is providing no real information about its finances to the community.
  • Twelve staff were laid off this year.
  • Four programs do not meet quality council faculty complement criteria and five more were identified by external reviewers as being understaffed but there is no indication of any institutional response. This is very bad news for a university.
  • Approximately 10% of the CUE membership has been subjected to disciplinary investigations since the strike (the provincial average is about 2% per year) by expensive external investigators using inconsistent processes. Almost all of the discipline is being grieved, but CUE has not really engaged in resolution efforts, so off the grievances go to arbitration.
  • Elected faculty representatives have resigned from the Board after being disciplined for raising concerns about deteriorating staff relations and faculty representatives are now to be chosen by the Board.
  • General Faculties Council meetings have become hollow exercises in rubber stamping. Some faculty councils have also become inactive and/or are routinely end-run by deans, and other administrators are acting outside of policy.
The result is an organizational climate characterized, according to faculty, by fear and uncertainty. The Board of Governors has refused to meet with faculty to discussion these issues.

This outcome is not particularly surprising. Sometimes, the experience of weathering a strike can cause an employer to seek to improve its relationship with staff. Other times, the employer can double down on the behaviours that triggered the strike and even engage in retaliation (which is what faculty are saying is going on).

Doubling down can sometimes reflect a desire to punish workers and break their will to resist. Employers, especially those with religious origins, often resist any challenge to the organization's authority. This approach may also reflect a cost-benefit analysis by the employer (i.e., treating workers poorly is worthwhile in some way). Or it may just reflect the absence of any idea by administrators about how to move forward productively.

Maybe CUE will decide to change course. More likely, though, the conflict will continue until there is a change in the institution’s leadership.

-- Bob Barnetson

Monday, September 20, 2021

Labour & Pop Culture: Brooklyn 99

Brooklyn 99 is a police comedy series that has just released its final season on Netflix. The first episode (“The Good Ones”) deals with police brutality and the role of police unions in shielding officers from the consequences of their actions. The release of the final season was delayed as the writers sought to write a police comedy in the wake of the death of George Floyd.

Two of the characters (Rosa and Jake) investigate the assault, arrest, and false charging of an African woman by two NYPD police officers (to generate overtime payments, according to their captain). The police union (the Patrolman’s Benevolent Association) bars Rosa and Jake from talking to the officers and accessing bodycam footage that might demonstrate the charged woman is innocent. When Jake and Rosa steal the footage from the union offices, the precinct captain deletes it and explains how the disciplinary system is broken.

The plot and characterization of the police union was interesting in several ways. In no particular order:
  • The assault and false arrest is explained as the officers seeking to extend their shift and receive overtime. This may well happen but this explanation seems to ignore the racial context of the George killings.
  • The union official is written as a caricature (living with his mom and loving the NYPD and Billy Joel) prepared to overlook any bad behaviour by his union’s members. The union member are also shown as caricatures (making ridiculous complaints, dressing like RWNJs).
  • There is collusion mooted between the union and the employer to undermine any discipline the officers might experience. In the end, the only outcome is the charges are dropped against the African woman.
Before jumping into any analysis, it is worth appreciating that Brooklyn 99 is a comedy show that is trying to navigate tricky terrain. And using tropes (e.g., corrupt union officials protecting irresponsible union members) is a common way for television shows to engage with unions (because viewers can much more easily understand the plot).

The precinct captain explaining the officers’ behaviour as economic is a very interesting way to portray how racism (which is the root issue) can be obscured by how the issue is framed. It is way easier for an organization to grapple with time theft than with systemic racism. I wonder if the elision of racism by the framing should have been made clearer? But perhaps I am under-estimating the audience.

The characterization of the police union officials and members was unsympathetic (but funny). These NPCs created an interesting foil for the main characters (who viewed themselves as “the good ones”) and allowed the show to highlight how good intentions often get subverted by systemic pressures. That said, this episode contributes the almost universally negative framing of unions and union members.

Near the end, there is an interesting discussion of how the discipline system works. Essentially, says the captain, trying to discipline the officers will not work. They will simply get a paid vacation, any finding of wrongdoing will be overturned on appeal (because the employer colludes with the union), and the officers will simply return to the job emboldened (while the female captain’s career gets sidelined for breaking the code).

There is a lot to unpack in that one scene. That the police officers would be placed on paid leave pending a hearing seems to be framed as rewarding bad behaviour (and it is certainly far different from most American’s experience of employment at will). Yet, if you think about it, a collective agreement compelling the employer to abide by the principle of innocent until proven guilty is a good thing.

The idea that the employer will collude with the union to prevent the police officers from being disciplined highlights how police unions operate in a far different realm than every other union. One of the functions of police officers is to (essentially) protect private property. In practice, this means that they act against workers on behalf of employers (who own most private property). This makes police officers effectively agents of capital. Consequently, their employer may excuse behaviour that no other employer would.

The position of the captain (who views herself as one of the good ones) is also an interesting study in the conflicted role of middle managers. The captain is basically a disposable tool of the employer (if she does the objectively right thing, her career is over). So, she does the “best” she can, which leads her to fix the immediate issue while, at the same time, enabling the officers’ ongoing bad behaviour.

The captain rationalizes her behaviour, in part, as an equity issue. She is one of the few female captains. Doing the right thing (by a racialized person) will set back gender equity in the NYPD. This was a really fascinating analysis of how racists systems can create conflicts of interests between and among racialized and non-racialized people.

Overall, this episode provided a lot of meat to chew over about systemic racism and the structures and dynamics that perpetuate it.

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, August 20, 2021

Labour & Pop Culture: AP Bio


Netflix has recently begin carrying A.P Bio. The show follows a misanthropgic former Harvard philosophy professor (Jack Griffin) who is forced to teach advanced placement biology to nerds in Toledo while living in his dead mom’s Jesus-adorned home.

Episode 2 of Season 1 sees Jack in trouble for failing to supervise his students. Jack is forced to choose between a short suspension and fighting the discipline. If he fights the discipline, he remains suspended with pay and has to hang out in “teacher jail” playing cards and such. Niecy Nash (who is hilarious) plays the union rep “Kim”.

There are two interesting aspects of this storyline. The first is that the union rep and the principal (played by Patton Oswald) have a long history and the union rep uses the grievance to get back at the principal  We rarely get into the complex relationships that develop between union and management reps over time and how these relationships colour the handling of grievances and other business. The idea of a grudge shaping decision-making is quite (and perhaps unintentionally) accurate.

The second is that teacher jail is framed as a bit of a ridiculous place where bad people go to kill time on full pay. This plays a bit into the “malingering worker” trope. What is interesting about teacher jail is how at odds it is with how discipline workers in both in Canada and especially in the US. Basically, workplace discipline sees workers as guilty until proven innocent. If they are innocent, they may get some compensation for their lost wages or jobs but few non-unionized workers can afford to fight discipline.

Arrangements where a worker is suspended with pay pending the employer proving discipline (i.e., innocent until proven guilty) are few and far between, even in unionized environments. Yet this seems like the fairest approach, since the burden of proof falls on the employer and the employer imposing sanctions without actually proving the worker did anything works a great unfairness on workers. It is telling that Jack only has access to this kind of approach because he has a union that’s negotiated a solid contract.

-- Bob Barnetson

Tuesday, June 30, 2020

AU plays the victim card… again


Athabasca University (AU) is in the midst of a multi-year campaign to bust its faculty association. Its latest effort is using its power to designate who is considered an academic to propose carving out 67% of the members of the faculty association as the union heads into another difficulty round of bargaining.

AU’s de-designation efforts are going poorly. There is no plausible explanation for AU’s proposal to change bargaining unit boundaries after 35 years other than AU is seeking to strengthen its hand at the negotiating table. And AU is transparently gaslighting its staff by refusing to admit the main and obvious implications of its proposals (i.e., 67% of members will be kicked out of the union).

Not surprisingly, staff members are upset. While the results of AU’s most recent engagement survey have not yet been released, I suspect they will be much worse than last year’s, when only 43% of staff said they trusted senior administrators.

Over the past three weeks, faculty association members have been emailing Dr. Margaret Kierylo (AVP Integrated Policy and Planning) to express their concerns about de-designation. Kierylo is the main author of the policy proposal and appears to be the executive lead on the issue. While every email is a bit different, here is a typical example:

From: "Dr. Bob Barnetson" <barnetso@athabascau.ca>
Date: Thursday, June 11, 2020 at 10:22 AM
To: "Dr. Margaret Kierylo" <mkierylo@athabascau.ca>
Subject: some thoughts on your de-designation proposal

Margaret,

I hope this note finds you well.

I’m writing to you about AU’s present proposal to de-designate professionals, academic coordinators, and deans and associate deans. I previously wrote to [Provost] Matt [Prineas] about this in February, but he’s never bothered to respond.

What you are presently proposing will carve 67% of the members of my union out of the union. This is an unacceptable outcome and one effect will be to bust the union’s bargaining power. This is not how academics treat their colleagues.

I’m hopeful you might consider revising the proposed policy so as to maintain the status quo. The distress and anger this proposal is generating quite significant.

I imagine it is a bit hard to see how mad people are about this issue given that we’re all stuck at home for the next while. But, when we return to work, you’ll likely notice how straight up angry people are at the exec and at you (since you seem to be the face of this policy proposal).

A change in the university’s approach would likely go a long way to attenuating this anger and bringing this issue to a productive conclusion.

If you’d like to discuss this further, I’m available at either number below.

Thanks kindly

Bob
Kierylo’s response was a boilerplate email of no real consequence. What was interesting was AU’s next move.

At the June 22 consultation between AU and its unions, AU’s labour relations consultant Abey Arnaout began the meeting by claiming that Kierylo was being harassed. Here is a near-verbatim transcript:
Abey: … Before we start, I’d like to read out a statement from the university.

Over the past week members of the university’s draft designation policy committee have received emails from their union executive. The concern we raise today is not receipt of the emails. The issue in hand is harassment, bullying, and intimidation through veiled threat by these emails.

Quotes implied to be threatening:

I imagine it is a bit hard to see how mad people are about this issue. When we return to work you will notice how angry people are university exec and at you.

One can objectively assume that this was a threat of the university community of physical harm.

We want to make it clear that intimidation, threats, harassment and bullying have no place at this university or at any workplace. We understand that the topic of designation is an important one and that members of AU’s community are passionate about it. 
Because many of these emails indicate they were directed by the union, we assume that the union is complicit in this behavior. Our union partners should not deem this behavior as an acceptable labour relations tactic. 
This may lead to disciplinary action. The university takes no issue with the receipt of emails from university members. We remind our members to engage in respectful dialogue.
So, basically, the university is alleging that my email constituted a threat directed at Kierylo. Now, if that were true, the university has an obligation to take action to protect Kierylo. This might include:
  • Indicating its concern to me directly.
  • Directing me not to threaten (or even contact) Kierylo again.
  • Commencing a disciplinary investigation (perhaps suspending me with pay during that time) and imposing sanctions.
  • Re-assigning Kierylo so she is no longer in a position to be threatened.
  • Contacting the police.
AU has done none of these things. I only heard about this concern second hand when the union was trying to track down the full email to review it (AU refused to provide a copy of the email to the union). AU’s inaction suggests AU doesn’t really think Kierylo was subjected to a threat. Because, of course, she wasn’t.

What is actually going on here is that AU is losing its fight to bust the union. AU’s behaviour is threatening the interests of every member of the union and has destroyed the credibility of AU’s executive team. The result, naturally, is that the members are becoming angry and rallying around the union.

And AU doesn't know what to do about that. If AU continues with efforts to de-designate two-thirds of the union’s members, it risks additional reputational harm and a nasty legal fight as well as the possibility of job action. If AU drops its proposal, the union will claim victory and the workers will learn (once again) that resisting AU attacks pays off.

Instead of trying to resolve this self-inflicted strategic dilemma, AU has decided continue to press ahead with de-designation while trying to delegitimize the behaviours that faculty association members are using to resist AU’s union busting. A powerful person or organization false claiming to be the victim of harassment is a form of emotional manipulation.

This tactic is, however, not going to work. AU already played the victim card just last summer after it got beat up during the last round of bargaining. And, last week, it claimed that any criticism of the Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) efforts was bullying. The effectiveness of claiming to be the victim declines quickly with repetition.

Further, AU’s overall credibility with staff is so low that staff disbelieve much of what AU says. This is especially the case when the facts underlying the claim don't support it. No reasonable person would find the email threatening. This is likely why AU hasn't taken any meaningful steps to “protect” Kierylo—they would face another embarrassing and expensive loss in a discipline hearing.

One result of falsely claiming to be the victim is that AU is signalling that direct pressure on senior executives causes them discomfort (i.e., is an effective tactic). If a series of very mild emails generated this kind of intemperate response, what kind of response might the union get if it amped up the pressure even slightly (e.g., flyering Kierylo’s neighbourhood)?

At this point, AU’s best out is to revise its proposed policy such that the policy that does not affect the boundaries of the bargaining unit. (AU will lose face doing that, but that’s a sunk cost at this point.) Walking away from de-designation will reduce the support the union has because its members will no longer be under immediate threat.

If AU’s executives can’t see that (or let their egos get in the way of doing that), it be up to the Board of Governors to prevent this issue from causing the institution to spin out of control. Because that is pretty clearly where things are headed.

-- Bob Barnetson

Tuesday, March 31, 2020

Work refusals and COVID-19

A question COVID-19 raises is when can a worker successfully refuse work as unsafe due to the virus? The short answer (at least in Alberta) is likely to be only when the work is unusually and egregiously dangerous. Or when the consequences for the employer of denying the refusal would be profound.

In Alberta, you can always refuse unsafe work if you have reasonable grounds to believe that the work is unsafe. During a refusal, a worker must paid and the worker can be directed to perform alternative work. A worker cannot be retaliated against for a refusal (or, at least, such retaliation would be illegal…).

A refusal requires the employer to investigate and either (1) control the hazard or (2) tell you the work is safe. If the worker continues to have reasonable grounds to believe the work is unsafe, the worker may file a complaint with OHS and an officer will investigate. The investigation can result in compliance orders (to make the work safe) or a determination that the work is not hazardous.

The real question is in which circumstances can a worker successfully refuse unsafe work? That is to say, in what circumstances can a reluctant employer be forced to make work safe(r)?

(For the purposes of this post, I’m going to set aside cases where workers are providing medical services. These workers have working conditions and professional obligations that muddy the analysis. This article speaks a bit about the challenges for medical workers.)

For example, consider this case in Calgary, where a COVID-positive individual showed up to file legal documents, and thereby exposed the court clerks and security personal. Could the rest of the clerks (who are still on the job) refuse to work the public counter because of the risk of exposure?

A more every-day example might be grocery store cashiers, who must interact with anyone who comes in (undoubtedly included presently asymptomatic carriers of COVID-19) in close quarters. Could they refuse to check out groceries because the work is unsafe?

Alberta’s publications about work refusals assert various versions of “Health and safety hazards that are not normal for the job, or normal hazards that are not properly controlled, are considered a dangerous conditions (sic) that could trigger a work refusal.” (p.5).

I was unable to find a legislative anchor for this “normal for the job” assertion. I expect the thinking is that hazards that are normal for the job should already be controlled to the degree reasonably practicable. And the government wouldn’t want, for example, firefighters to refuse to fight fires (assuming whatever controls are reasonably practicable are in place). So it is only unusual hazards or normal hazards that someone aren’t controlled (e.g., due to changing circumstances) that can give rise to legitimate work refusals.

Assuming this “normal for the job” rule is in play, could grocery cashiers successfully refuse unsafe work on the basis that working in a pandemic is unsafe? An employer might well argue that exposure to infectious disease is a normal hazard of the job. Yet, workers might argue that a highly virulent pandemic that can result in potentially devastating health effects is either not a normal hazard of their job or is a normal hazard that is not adequately controlled.

There have been a number of COVID-related work refusals in Canada. An early one was March 14 among casino workers in Ontario. The workers noted that workers were exposed to COVID-19 during work despite the employer’s cleaning protocols, that casino chips were never cleaned, and the employer was not following its own cleaning protocols (e.g., too few staff cleaning, the cleaning was being done with the wrong chemicals, no hot water for hand washing). The Ministry of Labour did a seemingly superficial investigation and found the work was safe.

The case law on refusals during outbreaks of infectious diseases appears to find work with an inherent risk of exposure (transportation in the link above) and where the employer takes reasonable steps to comply with public-health advice will be deemed safe. Obviously context matters: workers at greater risk of ill-health may face a lower bar in establishing the work is unsafe.

So coming back to the grocery cashier example, an employer might successfully argue that regular cleaning of the cashier’s workspace, the provision of PPE (e.g., gloves), and administrative rules (e.g., don’t touch your face, wash your hands) constitutes reasonably practicable controls. Thus workers might not be able to require the employer to take further steps (e.g., provide masks or barriers).

This analysis of how the right to refuse plays out reflects a couple of underlying dynamics:
  1. Workers and employers often want different levels of safety. Employers typically want the least expensive form of safety necessary to keep their business operating. Workers might prefer a more costly (and likely more effective) set of hazard controls. This conflict is rooted in a basic struggle to capture the surplus value of labour. And employers are often able to use their greater labour market and legal power to limit injury-prevention efforts to only those instances when injury prevention is cost-effective.
  2. OHS is about maintaining production and safe workplaces is a bi-product, although not a necessary one. The point of OHS laws is to prevent class conflict over the injury and death of workers from disrupting production and imperiling social stability. It does this in a couple of ways. OHS laws channel conflict into manageable processes (e.g., a work refusal versus a wildcat strike) that also frame the government as a neutral actor. But the government can (and usually does) write and interpret the law in ways the minimally impact production (e.g., setting a low bar around what is considered safe). OHS rules also make workplaces somewhat safer, but not necessarily very safe.
So given the likely limited utility of the right to refuse in the face of COVID-19, what could the grocery workers do to make their workplaces safer. Here are some strategies:
  • Social pressure: Employers are (sometimes) subject to social pressure. A group of workers asking for reasonable safety precautions may be able to get what they want because an employer may feel badly about refusing their demands. This is especially the case when the target of this pressure is within the workers’ social circle (e.g., a supervisor or the owner of a small business). In this case, the demand might be a re-organization of work processes or the provision of additional protective equipment. For example, an independent grocery store in Edmonton has (voluntarily, I should add) hung clear plastic between cashiers and customers at the checkout to create a barrier.
  • Public pressure: Shit-talking your employer on social media is cause for termination in most workplaces. But it can also be an effective pressure tactic, especially if your employer is acting in an egregiously unsafe manner during a pandemic. The internet provides a variety of tools that can allow workers to try and mask their identities.
  • Insubordination: No one can force a worker to perform work, they can only attach sanctions for not doing the work. A work refusal (e.g., not coming in, not performing a particular piece of work, performing work in non-sanctioned ways) outside of the OHS Act is insubordination and may attract discipline (e.g., termination). But, if everyone does it, it can be a powerful tool for pushing employers take more action than they might otherwise be prepared to do. The risk, of course, is getting fired. The more people who cooperate with the insubordination, the harder it is for the employer to discipline.
  • Quit: While quitting in a terrible job market is not a viable option for everyone, it is always an option. And, as financial support for the unemployed is loosened during the pandemic, it becomes a somewhat more accessible option (which tells you a lot about why EI eligibility rules have been tightened over time). The article linked above about home care nurses being asked to perform their jobs without adequate protections is evidence that workers will sometimes choose their health and safety (or that of their loved ones) over a paycheque.
It will be interesting to see how the many refusals over COVID-19 going on right now play out over time. An interesting case is a number of nurses in Alberta who refused to perform COVID-19 swab tests without N95 masks.

Alberta Health Services (AHS) maintained N95 masks are not required for swab tests. The nurses argued that the method of transmission is not clear so the precautionary principle suggests use is warranted. Eventually, an agreement was reached that staff could have access to the masks.

AHS could have likely held firm and even chosen to discipline these nurses if they continue to refuse (assuming the OHS investigation concluded the masks were not required). But context matters and the politics of discipline are bad.

Nurses are a very sympathetic group of workers who are placing themselves in harm’s way during a pandemic. And all they were asking for were slightly more effective masks. And, if AHS choose to discipline them, AHS ran the risk of escalating job action (i.e, a wildcat strike) in healthcare .

Precipitating a wildcat strike (by disciplining the nurses) at the moment workers’ labour power is the greatest (during a pandemic and when the public is scared) would have been a bad outcome. So the employer accommodated the nurses' demands for greater safety.

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, September 28, 2018

Labour & Pop Culture: Office Drug Testing



This week’s installment of Labour & Pop Culture revisits The Office to look at how employers handle drug use in the workplace. This skit is relevant given that, on October 17, cannabis consumption in Alberta (and elsewhere in Canada) will become legal (with some, still emerging, restrictions).

Alberta’s framework for regulating cannabis use is available online and includes a brief (and vague) discussion of cannabis use by workers:
Impairment in workplaces
Workers who are impaired on the job – whether by alcohol or drugs – are a danger to their coworkers and themselves. Alberta already has rules and programs in place to address impairment on the job and keep workers safe, but we are exploring options to better address all forms of impairment in the workplace, and will continue to work with employers, labour groups and workers to ensure the rules continue to address impairment issues. This may include developing additional regulations, education or training programs.
Employer efforts to randomly test workers for drug use and/or impairment have been a long-standing source of conflict in Alberta. For example, Suncor’s decision to randomly test workers has yielded an extensive amount of litigation since 2012 and the issue remains before an arbitration panel. An overview of this litigation can be found here.

Drug testing entails serious and competing interests. It is often framed as a contest between workers’ right to privacy and employers’ obligation to keep workplaces safe (although the evidence that random testing has any safety effect is basically zero).

The debate about drug testing is often tinged with an underlying moral judgment. It goes something like this: since drug use is illegal, workers who use drugs (on their own time) deserve to experience the workplace consequences associated with testing because they are criminals.

This dynamic is, in part, the premise of the joke in The Office skit above. The legalization of cannabis use undercuts this moralizing and it will be interesting to see how employers handle this change in the law.

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, July 20, 2018

Labour & Pop Culture: Darth Vader's Performance Assessment



It's summer and, honestly, I got nothing left this week so enjoy some Star Wars-related labour stuff. Especially the mission statement stuff.

-- Bob Barnetson

Tuesday, May 22, 2018

Perils of communicating directly with employees during bargaining


Employers engaged in collective bargaining can be tempted to communicate their bargaining proposals directly to their employees—essentially end-running the union bargaining team. 

Employers typically do this for two reasons. They may hope their explanation will make their proposals more palatable to the workers. And they may seek to undermine the union bargaining team.

This approach has two main risks. First, employers may commit an unfair labour practice if their communication is found to constitute bargaining directly with employees. Second, direct communication may backfire by, for example, making visible discrepancies between what employers say and what they propose.

For example, Athabasca University sent its opening proposal, opening presentation from bargaining, and a cheery note to the members of its faculty association last week. AU’s opening presentation stresses that the employer faces financial uncertainty and needs to control ongoing costs, such as staffing.

The data presented in support of this position is not particularly compelling. Consider this table, which purports to show a 154.4% increases in salary costs between 2005 and 2015:



Three immediately obvious problems with this table are:
  • It is in nominal (not inflation-adjusted) dollars. This overstates the degree of increase by not factoring in inflation.
  • It does not control for changes in the size and composition of the staffing complement (which are decisions made by the employer).
  • Looking at 2010 to present, staffing costs are actually stable (and, using real dollars, in decline). This is contrary to the employer’s narrative. 
Sloppily handling cherry-picked data is a fundamental mis-step with a savvy worker group that does data analysis for a living.

The employer also sent along their opening proposal. A quick read shows the employer wants a wage freeze for the next two years. This is consistent with the employer’s desire to control expenses.

Nevertheless, the other 43 pages of proposed changes have nothing to do with improving AU’s finances. Rather, they are an attack upon the substantive and procedural rights of the union’s members.

Under the employer’s proposals:

  • An academic who does not get tenure can get booted out the door with no notice.
  • Professional staff can be terminated at any time during their probationary period.
  • The decision about whether a professional employee passes their probationary period is entirely within the employer’s discretion.
  • Severance and recall rights will be significantly reduced for all employees in the event of layoffs.
  • New discipline procedures will hamstring the union’s ability to represent members. This is especially concerning given AU's cavalier approach to discipline in recent years.
  • Serious discipline (e.g., suspension without pay or termination) will be applied immediately, instead of after the appeal has been heard.
  • Grievances alleging AU allowed a union member to be harassed cannot proceed to arbitration (so essentially the employer gets to stand in judgment about its own behaviour…).
  • The composition of important appeal committees will be stacked in favour of the employer, undermining the principle of collegial governance.
  • The freedom of professional staff is so significantly reduced that is becomes meaningless.
  • The employer may force sick staff members to undergo examinations by company doctors.
In his covering note, Vice-President Matt Prineas characterizes these changes as
…reflect[ing] our desire to clean up existing language to better align to changes in the Alberta Labour Code, Alberta Employment Standards Legislation, to simplify a few processes for all of us, and to help us move forward together. We believe in you, we’re in this together, and we have no interest in disrupting your lives, the security of your families, or the progress of our students by being needlessly aggressive in bargaining. We’re working towards a win-win-win.
The problem with Prineas’s statement is that these proposals are not just house-keeping. Rather, they entail substantial and unacceptable losses for the workers (on top of yet another wage freeze).

They are also needlessly aggressive and, if pursued with any vigor, heighten the risk of a work stoppage.

Prineas's effort to candy-coat AU’s so-called “win-win” proposals further diminishes the vanishingly small amount of trust that AU staff have in their leaders.

An important question is who is giving AU this kind of labour-relations advice? So far this year, AU has been subjected to three unfair labour practice complaints and now it is rolling out a back-firing communications strategy.

Equally important is the question of why is AU’s executive accepting advice that seems destined to intensify labour conflict? Is it seeking to precipitate a strike by faculty? Or are these proposals simply an attempt to reframe bargaining such that a wage-freeze suddenly appears to be a desirable settlement to faculty? 

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, May 18, 2018

Labour & Pop Culture: Darth Vader's Performance Review

This week’s installment of Labour & Pop Culture is an audio-skit entitled “Darth Vader's Employee Evaluation. I’ve been incorporating pop-culture representations of human resource management functions into a revision of the intro to HR course that I coordinate because comedy often reveals unspoken truths about the workplace.



The key joke in the skit is the HR advisor asserting that Vader’s constant force-choking of his subordinates is harming the operational effectiveness of the Empire. The advisor’s suggestion of a more encouraging-management style (“maybe give them a pat on the back?”) is greeted with a very honest reply from Vader: “I don’t understand. How would that kill them?”

The workplace dynamic that this skit hits on (although perhaps not intentionally) is that performance management is essentially one arm of the employer trying to get employees to act in a way that is completely illogical to the worker given the broader structure of rewards and penalties in the workplace created by another arm of the employer.

Specifically, the advisor ignores that Vader’s behaviour is a reaction to the pressures of his job. Vader’s own boss does not tolerate failure by his subordinates. Consequently, Vader cannot tolerate failure among his subordinates and behaves accordingly.

Further, punishing space admirals shifts blame for failure (from Vader to them), there are always junior officers available to replace dead space admirals, and punishing employees is way easier in the short-term than working with them to improve their performance.

HR’s unwillingness to recognize the reasons for Vader’s behaviour means that Vader is unlikely to accept their suggestions. An interesting question is what happens to the HR advisor when he subsequently tries to discipline Vader for continuing to force-choke his subordinates?

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, January 12, 2018

Labour & Pop Culture: Industrial Strength Tranquilizer

This week’s installment of Labour & Pop Culture is “Industrial Strength Tranquillizer” by the Austin Lounge Lizards. The Lounge Lizards are a satirical folk-rock group (think Weird Al with a mandolin).

This song narrates the kind of hopelessness common in many jobs:
There's a lot of wisdom here, amongst the employees
Some of us are street smart some have PhD's.
We're all bored and tired, but we've all found ways to cope.
Some of us drink after work, the rest of us smoke dope.
One of the more interesting labour issues that employers, unions and governments will confront in 2018 is the legalization of marijuana. While news stories have recently focused on the (in)ability of the police to address impaired driving due to the lack of a good drug test, the real battleground will be the workplaces.

This University of Calgary study suggests that some blood and urine tests currently used can result in a false positive for workers who had 15 minutes of exposure to secondhand smoke in a closed environment. This certain raises all sorts of difficult questions about whether discipline enacted based on such tests will ultimately stick.

I couldn’t find a video for this song except this one. So instead, I give you another Star Wars video.



Every morning when I punch my timecard at the plant
I try to be a pleasant guy but lately I just can't.
Overwork and under pay are poisoning my mind.
Until I'm on the bar stool I don't believe it's quitin time.

I need industrial strength tranquilizer
A shot of Old Crow and a glass of Budweiser
To help survive inflation with falling pay.
It takes industrial strength tranquilizer
A shot of Old Crow and a glass of Budweiser
To help the working man through the working day.

Bosses in the board room talk of productivity
But they just mean to put the screws to working stiffs like me.
If we're good and work real hard and save our pay until
We're able to afford the kind of crap they make us build.

[chorus]

There's a lot of wisdom here, amongst the employees
Some of us are street smart some have PhD's.
We're all bored and tired, but we've all found ways to cope.
Some of us drink after work, the rest of us smoke dope.

[chorus]

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, July 21, 2017

Labour & Pop Culture: Electronic Plantation

This week’s installment of Labour & Pop Culture is “Electronic Plantation” by Jello Biafra and the Guantanamo School of Medicine. 

This song examines how employers have made employment precarious through various strategies, such as off-shoring jobs, free trade agreements, and electronic monitoring of employees.

The song is pretty direct about economic globalization:
Pit the whole world against each other
For who will work for the lowest wage
The rest of you can die
As epidemics rage
Yet it also really brings home the relationship between political decisions and the impact these have on the working lives of real people:
Same old job
Now you're just a temp
Less pay, no benefits
No raise, no vacation
Or sick leave days
Some of the lyrics seems a bit polemical:
We monitor you all
Every time you leave your chair
Or talk on the phone
One minute overtime
At the toilet
And you're fired
Yet even in my privileged position, I’m subjected to electronic monitoring (soon to be intensified with the roll out of the Student Success Centre) which will be used to ensure I meet whatever service standards the employer sets. Whether the benefits of this will offset the costs are unclear…

This is a fan video (best one I could find):



Ya-Ha-Ha
Ho Ho Ho
Shipped your job to Mexico
But we got plans for all of you to re-train

Pit the whole world against each other
For who will work for the lowest wage
The rest of you can die
As epidemics rage

Worked hard all your life
Now you must go on line
And stare all day
At a little plastic screen

Electronic plantation
Electronic plantation

Same old job
Now you're just a temp
Less pay, no benefits
No raise, no vacation
Or sick leave days
Chain the slaves to the oars
Faster, faster, row some more!
In carpel tunnel caverns
Til you break

We monitor you all
Every time you leave your chair
Or talk on the phone
One minute overtime
At the toilet
And you're fired

Electronic plantation
Electronic plantation

Only use we've left for you
Is burn you at both ends
Locked in the research triangle
Shirtwaist fire's flames
Lot's of people need your job
And you can be replaced
Replaced
Replaced
Unemployed and overqualified

Strikers who gave their lives
Fighting for basic human rights
That don't mean nothing anymore

Got you back down on the floor
Through the wto
Rich get richer
Poor get poorer

Factory or phd
You are all termites now
Laptop is your ball and chain
Til we downsize you away

Shop at home
Is your reward
Your best friend is a mouse

Electronic plantation
Electronic plantation
Electronic plantation
Electronic plantation

-- Bob Barnetson

Friday, March 3, 2017

Labour & Pop Culture: BankRobber

This week’s installment of Labour & Pop Culture is “Bankrobber” by The Clash. This reggae song that meanders quite a lot (which is why the song seems so much longer than it really is).

I think the crux of the song is that employment is a class system (“some is rich, and some is poor/that's the way the world is”). And the result of the system is alienation for most workers:
the old man spoke up in a bar
said i never been in prison
a lifetime serving one machine
is ten times worse than prison
Not surprisingly, some folks don’t willingly go along with this arrangement, given that life is short:
someday you'll meet your rocking chair
cos that's where we're spinning
there's no point to wanna comb your hair
when it's grey and thinning
Consequently, we should seek to understand the structural roots of so-called deviant behaviour, such a bankrobbing. I picked a more contemporary cover of the song for the video because I can’t deal with The Clash’s vocals.



[CHORUS]
my daddy was a bankrobber
but he never hurt nobody
he just loved to live that way
and he loved to steal your money

some is rich, and some is poor
that's the way the world is
but i don't believe in lying back
sayin' how bad your luck is

so we came to jazz it up
we never loved a shovel
break your back to earn your pay
an' don't forget to grovel

[CHORUS]

the old man spoke up in a bar
said i never been in prison
a lifetime serving one machine
is ten times worse than prison

imagine if all the boys in jail
could get out now together
whadda you think they'd want to say to us?
while we was being clever

someday you'll meet your rocking chair
cos that's where we're spinning
there's no point to wanna comb your hair
when it's grey and thinning

[CHORUS]

so we came to jazz it up
we never loved a shovel
break your back to earn your pay
an' don't forget to grovel

Get away, get away, get away, get away

[CHORUS]

run rabbit run
strike out boys, for the hills
i can find that hole in the wall
and i know that they never will

-- Bob Barnetson

Tuesday, January 24, 2017

Why might an employer fight a losing grievance?

I was recently involved in a discipline arbitration on the union side. The grievance centred on the employer failing to provide particulars when disciplining a worker.

Particulars are the who, what, when, where and how of an incident for which the employer seeks to discipline a worker. That is to say, particulars set out the facts and events the employer is relying upon (and, in an appeal, will need to prove) in order to impose the discipline.

The collective agreement read (emphasis added):
7.5 When the appropriate Executive Officer considers that cause exists to warrant discipline… the Executive Officer shall give written notice that discipline is being applied, [giving particulars thereto, including specific details of the incident(s) leading to this disciplinary action] to the President, to the Association President in confidence, and to the Staff Member.
Particulars are important because a worker needs to know what they have been accused of in order to decide whether to appeal the discipline and to successfully mount such an appeal. The requirement for particulars is consistent with the principles of natural justice, one of which is the right to a fair hearing:
The right to a fair hearing requires that individuals … be … given prior notice of the case, a fair opportunity to answer it, and the opportunity to present their own case.
In this case, the employer didn’t provide any particulars (or even clearly identify why the worker was being disciplined) in the disciplinary letter. The employer declined to remedy this violation of the collective agreement during the grievance process, and off we went to arbitration (nearly a year later).

The arbitrator ruled last week that the particulars were inadequate to meet the requirements of Article 7.5. The disciplinary letter was then returned to the employer for revision.

Assuming the employer intends to proceed with the discipline (given the delay), it will need to issue a new letter with adequate particulars. The worker can then decide whether or not to appeal the discipline.

During the hearing, the employer conceded from the get-go that its letter was defective and invited the arbitrator to direct a new letter be issued. What this tell us is that the employer knew it was in the wrong.

The question this raises is why the employer didn’t just correct the obvious deficiency, either when the matter was first raised in the grievance process (a year ago) or at any time up to the start of the hearing? After all, the whole point of the grievance process is to resolve minor disputes and errors about the administration of the collective agreement.

In the hearing, the employer broadly asserted that it was reluctant to resolve the grievance because it was concerned the union would use such a correction against the employer.

Instead, the employer took a loser case to hearing and spent a lot of money (I’d guess $20k in hearing costs plus the staff time) during a period of tight budgets. And the (fairly predictable) result was (1) an arbitration decision that reflects poorly on the HR shop, and (2) the union will likely use the decision in other related litigation.

So, not resolving the grievance didn’t prevent the employer from being damaged. In fact, it probably resulted in a worse outcome than settling, since (1) the arbitration decision is a public document (whereas settlements usually contain reciprocal gag orders) and (2) a negotiated agreement could have included terms addressing whatever the employer's fears about settlement were.

It is interesting to speculate about why the employer decided to run a bum case because the possibilities highlight the political nature of labour relations (i.e., labour relations decisions are not just technical decisions). Some possible (and not mutually exclusive) explanations are:
  1. The employer may have believed that losing was better than any settlement it might have achieved. I can’t comment on this because settlement discussions are private.
  2. The employer may have been acting irrationally. For example, in a bad bargaining relationship, it is not uncommon for the parties to fight even when better options are available.
  3. The employer may have sought to inflict costs on the union (because it costs money even when you win…) in order to dampen the union’s appetite for future grievances. This assumes that cost is an important factor in union decision making. In my experience, unions more often decide which grievances to fight based upon (1) the prospect of winning, (2) internal union politics, and (3) whether the grievance is necessary to rein in bad employer behaviour. 
  4. There may have been some behind-the-scenes politics on the employer side that we are not privy to. Employers are not monolithic structures and interpersonal politics (around power and face and blame) can influence their decisions, especially if the decision-making structure itself is not clear or decision-making power is broadly distributed within it. For example, maybe the employer was bluffing or just plain erred when it issued the original disciplinary letter and, subsequently, found itself unable to provide particulars of misconduct that it could substantiate in an appeal? (I don't know this to be true--it is just a speculative example.) In such a case, the demand for particulars by the union would then create a very difficult set of internal politics that might result in decision paralysis. 
Overall, this speculation suggests that the practice of labour relations is best understood through a multi-disciplinary lens that allows us to consider legal, psychological and political factors. All of these things can contribute to how grievances are handled by each side.

-- Bob Barnetson

Wednesday, October 19, 2016

Holding out for a (course) hero

For those of you hoping for some awesome 1980s music, please amuse yourself with the video below (yes, a tractor duel between Justin Trudeau and Kevin Bacon was high-quality entertainment in the 1980s…).


Now for the rest of you, let’s talk about Course Hero. Course Hero is a website that allow students to upload assignments, quizzes, exams and other materials. If you upload enough of your stuff (or just send the cash), you can then access the material (so-called “study aids”) uploaded by others.  

Reviewing the work of others can certainly seem like a quick way to complete assignments. Alas, it is also an easy way to run afoul of the university’s Student Academic Misconduct Policy, which requires you to do your own course work.

But it is not just downloaders who are in peril: uploading materials is also likely a violation of Section 2.5 which prohibits the distribution of assignments and other course material.

One of my jobs right now is academic integrity officer for the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences (basically I’m the plagiarism guy). Over the past few months, my workload has risen dramatically because faculty are complaining about uploaders. Year-long suspensions and notations of misconduct on transcripts are pretty common for first-time offenders.

Course Hero is not the only such website, but its recent popularity has pushed the university to speak out against all websitesthat offer “study aids”. You’d be wise to heed the university’s advice about these websites and remove any of your materials from them.



-- Bob Barnetson